TERRORIST WATCH!
The
following letter appeared in The Citizen
of 26th September 2013, showing that South Africans are at last
waking up to the truth regarding the evil nature of "Nelson" Mandela :-
Dear Sir,
Why is it
so difficult for people to associate Nelson Mandela with the ANC? He is the ANC. He was president of the ANC
and he was
How can
Cliff Buchler say that Nelson Mandela "helped usher in a violence-free revolution"? (Citizen 25.9.13).
Violence free? What planet is Buchler living on? The ANC
came to power through violence most savage - necklacing their own people, killing
policemen and councilors, and murdering so-called sell-outs in their thousands. On
In
response to Mandela's call for "targeted" violence,
attacks against Black policemen (Mandela's targets)
increased from 87 in January 1990 to 886 by 18/5/90. Deaths increased from 1 to
27 in the same period, while homes attacked increased from 45 to 270, and
police vehicle attacks went up from 100 to 651.
A violence-free revolution? Mandela never foreswore violence - he refused when asked to do so as a condition of his release. Since
the ANC took power and has systematically debased, looted and turned this
country into a criminal's paradise, we haven't heard one word from this man whom the world has turned
into a demi-God [sic]. Has
D.
Midvaal.
Mandela proven to be a member
of the Communist Party after decades of denial.
For decades, it was one of the
enduring disputes of South Africa's anti-apartheid struggle. Was Nelson
Mandela, the leader of the African National Congress, really a secret
Communist, as the White-only government of the time alleged? Or, as he claimed
during the infamous 1963 trial that saw him jailed for life, was it simply a
smear to discredit him in a world riven by Cold War tensions?
Now, nearly half a century after
the court case that made him the world's best-known prisoner, a new book claims
that whatever the wider injustice perpetrated, the apartheid-era prosecutors
were indeed right on one question: Mandela was a Communist party member after
all.
The former South African president,
who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1993, has always denied being a member of the
South African branch of the movement, which mounted an armed campaign along
with the ANC.
But research by a British
historian, Professor Stephen Ellis, has unearthed fresh evidence that during
his early years as an activist, Mandela did hold senior rank in the South
African Communist Party, or SACP. He says Mandela joined the SACP to enlist the
help of the Communist superpowers for the ANC's campaign of armed resistance to
White rule.
His book also provides fresh
detail on how the ANC's military wing had bomb-making lessons from the IRA, and
intelligence training from the East German Stasi, which it used to carry out
brutal interrogations of suspected "spies" at secret prison camps.
As evidence of Mandela's
Communist party membership, Prof Ellis cites minutes from a secret 1982 SACP
meeting, discovered in a collection of private papers at the University of Cape
Town, in which a veteran former party member, the late John Pule Motshabi,
talks about how Mandela was a party member some two decades before.
In the minutes, Motshabi, is
quoted as saying: "There was an accusation that we opposed allowing Nelson
[Mandela] and Walter (Sisulu, a fellow activist) into the Family (a code word
for the party) ... we were not informed because this was arising after the 1950
campaigns (a series of street protests). The recruitment of the two came
after."
While other SACP members have
previously confirmed Mandela's party membership, many of their testimonies were
given under duress in police interviews, where they might have sought to
implicate him. However, the minutes from the 1982 SACP meeting, said Prof
Ellis, offered more reliable proof. "This is written in a closed party meeting
so nobody is trying to impress or mislead the public," he said.
Although Mandela appears to have
joined the SACP more for their political connections than their ideas, his
membership could have damaged his standing in the West had it been disclosed
while he was still fighting to dismantle apartheid.
Africa was a Cold War proxy
battleground until the end of the 1980s, and international support for his
cause, which included the Free Nelson Mandela campaign in Britain, drew partly
on his image as a compromise figure loyal neither to East nor West.
"Nelson Mandela's reputation
is based both on his ability to overcome personal animosities and to be
magnanimous [sic] to all South Africans, White and Black, and that is what
impressed the world," said Prof Ellis, a former Amnesty International
researcher who is based at the Free University of Amsterdam. "But what
this shows is that like any politician, he was prepared to make opportunistic
alliances.
"I think most people who
supported the anti-apartheid movement just didn't want to know that much about
his background. Apartheid was seen as a moral issue and that was that. But if
real proof had been produced at the time, some might have thought
differently."
Mandela made his denial of
Communist Party membership in the opening statement of his Rivonia trial, when
he and nine other ANC leaders were tried for 221 alleged acts of sabotage
designed to overthrow the apartheid system. The defendants were also accused of
furthering the aims of Communism, a movement that was then illegal in South
Africa.
Addressing the court, Mandela
declared that he had "never been a member of the Communist Party,"
and that he disagreed with the movement's contempt for Western-style
parliamentary democracy.
He added: "The suggestion
made by the State that the struggle in South Africa is under the influence of
foreigners or Communists is wholly incorrect. I have done whatever I did, both
as an individual and as a leader of my people, because of my experience in
South Africa and my own proudly felt African background, and not because of
what any outsider might have said."
Mandela joined the ANC in 1944,
when its leadership still opposed armed struggle against the apartheid state.
However, by the early 1950s he become personally convinced that a guerrilla war
was inevitable, a view confirmed by the Sharpeville massacre in March 1960,
when police in a Transvaal township opened fire on black demonstrators, killing
69 people.
But while other ANC leaders also
came round to his way of thinking after Sharpeville, the group still had no
access to weaponry or financial support. Instead, says Prof Ellis, Mandela
looked for help from the Communists, with whom he already had close contacts
due to their shared opposition to apartheid.
"He knew and trusted many
Communist activists anyway, so it appears he was co-opted straight to the
central committee with no probation required," said Prof Ellis. "But
it's fair to say he wasn't a real convert, it was just an opportunist
thing."
In the months after Sharpeville,
Communist party members secretly visited Beijing [Peking] and Moscow, where
they got assurances of support for their own guerrilla campaign. In conjunction
with a number of leading ANC members, they set up a new, nominally independent
military organisation, known as Umkhonto we Sizwe or Spear of the Nation. With
Mandela as its commander, Umkhonto we Sizwe launched its first attacks on 16
December 1961.
Its campaign of
"sabotage" and bombings over the subsequent three decades claimed the
lives of dozens of civilians, and led to the organisation being classed as a
terrorist group by the US.
In his book, Professor Ellis, who
also authored a publication on the Liberian civil war, elaborates on other
murky aspects of the ANC's past. One is that bomb-making experts from the IRA
trained the ANC at a secret base in Angola in the late 1970s, a link disclosed
last year in the posthumous memoirs of Kader Asmal, a South African politician
of Indian extraction who was exiled in Ireland. He was a member of the Irish
Anti-Apartheid Movement, which, Prof Mr Ellis says, in turn had close links to
the British and South African Communist parties.
The IRA tutoring, which was
allegedly brokered partly through Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams, led to the ANC
fighters improving their bombing skills considerably, thanks to the expertise
of what Mr Ellis describes as "the world's most sophisticated urban
guerrilla force".
Angola was also the base for
"Quatro", a notorious ANC detention centre, where dozens of the
movement's own supporters were tortured and sometimes killed as suspected spies
by agents from their internal security service, some of whom were "barely
teenagers". East German trainers taught the internal security agents that
anyone who challenged official ANC dogma should be viewed as a potential spy or
traitor.
- Sunday Telegraph, December 9, 2012
Mandela & the
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Here are two photos showing the
This
is a story about Nelson Mandela, the world-famous "freedom fighter"
and "democrat." You'll have to pardon those slightly sardonic quotes,
because I'm afraid this is that kind of story: a bit iconoclastic,
and likely to provoke howls of outrage from Western liberals who see Mandela as
a benign black moderate who led an army of hymn-singing Uncle Toms to the
promised land.
The technical term for
those liberals is "useful idiot," but even I must concede that their
intervention was actually quite intelligent, back in the 1950s, when this all
started. In those days, good men were weak, and their
apartheid adversaries invincible on all but
In the early sixties,
Special Branch detectives came upon a piece of evidence that made this a bit
tricky in Mandela's case - a handwritten essay titled, "How To Be A Good
Communist," in which the leader of the ANC's newly-formed military wing
opined that South Africa would become "a land of milk and honey"
under Communist rule. We were told that Mandela was innocently toying with
Marxist ideas, trying to understand their appeal, but this made little sense.
Almost all his co-conspirators were Communists, wedded to a Sovietist
doctrine that envisaged a two-phase ending to the SA struggle - a
"national democratic revolution," followed by second revolution in
which the Marxist-Leninist vanguard took power.
If Mandela wasn't in on
this plot, it would have been exceptionally stupid of him to participate in it,
and Mandela was not stupid. On the other hand, he had to be very careful what
he said on this score. The ANC needed the support of Western liberals, and by
l964, those folks had come to realize that Communist revolutions inevitably led
to the outcome satirized in George Orwell's Animal Farm - a dictatorship
of pigs who hogged the best things for themselves, impoverished the proletariat
and murdered or imprisoned dissenters by the million.
In such a climate, one
didn't want to focus attention on that hand-written "milk and honey"
essay. On the contrary: one wanted the world to see Mandela as a democrat,
willing to die for values that Westerners held sacred. Toward this end, Mandela
and his lawyers (with a bit of help from British journalist Anthony Sampson)
crafted a masterful speech for Mandela to deliver from the dock during the Rivonia trial.
"The ideological
creed of the ANC is, and always has been, the creed of African
nationalism," he said. "It is true that there has been close
cooperation between the ANC and the Communist Party. But cooperation in this
case is merely proof of a common goal - the removal of white supremacy."
Mandela went to describe
himself as a democrat in the classic Western sense, and a fervent admirer of
the British and American systems of governance. "Africans just want a
share in the whole of
These words rang out
around the world, and still echo today. Type Mandela's name into Google, and
you come upon millions of essays, articles and book-length hagiographies
depicting Madiba in exactly the way he presented
himself in that speech: a black liberal, driven to take up arms by a white
supremacist state that seemed utterly impermeable to calls for dialogue.
The Rivonia
statement has become the foundational text of a semi-religious movement that
seeks to canonize Mandela as the 20th century's greatest proponent
of freedom and democracy. Or perhaps I should say, "bourgeois
democracy," in order to distinguish between democracy of the sort
practiced in
Or did he?
It takes a brave man to
address that question, and lo, one such has emerged. Professor Stephen Ellis
heads the African Studies Centre at the
Now Ellis has published
a study that sheds startling new light on Mandela's early political career and
the circumstances under which he launched his armed struggle against apartheid.
The study contains at least one revelation that can only be described as a
bombshell -- Mandela was, at least for a time, secretly a member of
The strange thing about
Ellis's bombshell is that South Africans appear to be deaf to its detonation. I
know this because I started hyping it to fellow journalists the instant it
appeared in print. To a man (or woman) they all shrugged and said, "So
what? It's not really a story." This tells us something interesting about
South Africans: we are at once riven with ideological
obsessions and hopelessly ideologically naïve.
The blame for this rests
largely on our charming and literate Communists, who go to great pains in their
memoirs to disguise the true nature of their beliefs. They tell us that they
stood for fairness, justice, and racial equality, and against all forms of
exploitation and oppression. They'd also like us to believe that their party
was outlawed in l950 because they treated blacks as friends and wanted them to
enjoy the franchise. Well, yes. I suppose this was a factor, but the overriding
consideration that led to the SACP's banning was
something else entirely.
At the Yalta Conference
of l945, Soviet dictator Josef Stalin assured the Western powers that all the
countries his forces occupied at the end of World War 2 would be allowed to
determine their own destinies via free elections. With his international image
in mind, Stalin instructed commissars in the occupied territories to observe
the outward forms of "bourgeois democracy." Towards this end,
liberals and social democrats were lured into broad fronts in which all key
decisions were secretly made by tiny Communist minorities, with the backing of
the Soviet's secret police apparatus.
These Communist conspirators
then staged spurious elections that brought Soviet puppet regimes to power
throughout
The problem with
Communist parties, including the South African one, is that they blindly
supported this Soviet outrage, and seemed intent on pulling similar moves
everywhere. If Joe Slovo and Rusty Bernstein were
still alive, they'd stoutly deny such charges, but they'd be lying. We know
this because Rusty's wife Hilda lived long enough to acquire a shrewd
understanding of herself and the Communist movement of
which she was a life-long part. "Joe and Rusty were hardline
Stalinists," she said in a 2004 interview. "Anything the Soviets did
was right. They were very, very pro-Soviet."
It is important to note
that Mrs. Bernstein was by no means suggesting that her husband or Joe were
evil men. On the contrary: they were religious zealots who genuinely believed
that the Soviets had discovered the cure for all human misery.
"I've often thought
about this," she said. "They wanted something bigger than themselves,
something to believe in. People are always seeking for the meaning of life and
if you're not religious, what is it? To us, working together in a movement that
had rules and attitudes and comradeship gave important meaning to our
lives."
In short, being a
Communist was much like being a Christian. One studied the sacred texts of Marx
and Engels, engaged in polemics as a form of prayer and ruthlessly suppressed
all doubts, including one's own. Mrs. Bernstein says she was adept at this
until l956, when Kruschev revealed the appalling
extent of his predecessor Stalin's atrocities (he murdered around 16 million
people, either by having them shot for thought crimes or starving them to death
with mad policies). Her husband dismissed these reports as "lies and
capitalist propaganda," but Hilda's bones told her it was all true.
"We had a
fight," she said, "a battle that went on into the small hours of the
morning. I wanted to leave, but we had three dependent children, and there
wasn't any possible way in which we could have separated economically and so
on. So we stayed together, and I accommodated myself by refusing to talk about
it any more."
And so it came to pass
that Hilda Bernstein, the secret doubter, had a ringside seat for the epochal
events of the late fifties and early sixties, a time when her husband Rusty was
one of South Africa's most senior Communists, and one of Mandela's closest
allies moreover.
It was in this capacity
that she learned of Madiba's secret membership in the
Communist sect. "Mandela denies that he was ever a member of the
party," she said, "but I can tell you that he was a member of the
party for a period."
When this interview
appeared on the website of the O'Malley archive, it caused a brief frisson
among old Cold Warriors, especially when former SACP central committee member
Brian Bunting verified Hilda's account. The interview also caught the eye of
the aforementioned Professor Ellis, a lifelong student of the byzantine inner
workings of SACP. He notes that the SACP of the early sixties was of necessity
a pathologically secretive organization, a network of cells with little or no
knowledge of each other and no official membership records.
"SACP members were
formally required to keep their membership secret," says Ellis. "In
principle, only the members of each four or five-person cell knew each other.
One person reported to the next higher level, and so on. But there was also a
special category of ultra-secret members who were not required to join a cell
and whom even very senior party members might not know about." With this
in mind, Ellis proceeded very cautiously before publishing anything about
Mandela's apparent role in the Communist conspiracy.
One item in his files
was an old police report claiming that two arrested Communists had identified
Mandela as an SACP member. A similar admission appeared in the minutes of
a 1982 SACP meeting. The final breakthrough came when Russian researcher Irina Filitova interviewed veteran conspirator Joe Matthews, who
confirmed that Mandela served on the party's innermost central committee
alongside him. "In the light of this evidence," Ellis concludes,
"it seems most likely that Nelson Mandela joined the party in the late
l950s or in 1960, and that he was co-opted onto the Central Committee in the
latter year, the same year as Joe Matthews."
Even as I write this I
sense that I am losing the average South African. I can almost see you
shrugging and saying, "So? This still isn't a story." But it is a
story, and here's why: if Ellis's evidence is correct, the fatal decision to
launch a war against apartheid had nothing to do with the ANC. It was a
decision taken unilaterally by the Communist Party, and then imposed on ANC
president Albert Luthuli by a prominent African nationalist who was secretly a
member of the Communist underground. His name: Nelson Mandela.
It seems fair to say
that black South Africans have entertained thoughts of armed revolt since the
day Jan van Riebeeck landed in
The difference between
those organizations and the Communist Party is that peaceful change via the
ballot box was never really on the Communist agenda, because that sort of
change invariably left the capitalist edifice standing. "Classes do not
commit suicide," said Joe Slovo, a dutiful
acolyte of Vladimir Lenin. Enemies of the working class had to be undermined,
subverted, and conclusively defeated before the socialist millennium could
begin.
There was a time when
this socialist millennium did not seem particularly attractive to
In the early fifties,
however, the SACP realized that cooperating with the nationalists was likely to
hasten the fall of the Boers, thus creating conditions conducive to a more
rapid advance towards true socialism. At more or less the same time,
nationalists like Mandela realized that the Communists could bring several
desirables to the party. Around half of them were white. They had cars, houses,
telephones, organizational skills and access to funding. Soon, Communists were
supporting the ANC's legal campaigns and recruiting ANC members into their own
underground party.
As Ellis observes, this
strategy did not enjoy the approval of the high priests of Marxist-Leninist
revolutionary science, who were located in
Out of this emerged the SACP's new revolutionary doctrine, which has always
reminded me of the hoary old fable in which a scorpion convinces a frog to
carry it across a river. The frog (or bourgeois nationalist) does all the work,
staging a "democratic national revolution" that topples the imperial
or colonial power. The scorpion (representing the Communist cause) goes along
for the ride, only to sting the frog to death just as it reaches the far bank.
The punchline of the original remains entirely
apposite: scorpions do such things because that is their nature.
Something else happened
in l960, something very important. The catalyst was the PAC, a movement of hardline African nationalists who'd broken away from the
ANC the previous year on the grounds that it was "dominated by white
Communists" whose ultimate loyalties were open to question (see above). In
April, l960, the PAC staged a nationwide protest against the hated pass laws.
In Sharpeville, police opened fire on a crowd of PAC supporters, killing an
estimated 69. The resulting outburst of rage shook the apartheid government to
its core, and led to the outright banning of both the PAC and ANC.
From afar, it seemed
that the mood in
According to Ellis, the
Chinese had previously been sceptical of such plans, but now, the SACP
delegates were considered so important that Chairman Mao himself took time to
meet them. They were accorded a similar honour in
The precise outcome of
these discussions remains uncertain, but Ellis presumes that Matthews and Harmel came away with pledges of support, because the SACP
now moved swiftly forward, adopting a policy of armed struggle at a conference
in Johannesburg "towards the end of 1960."
It now became necessary
for the SACP to convince the ANC to join its initiative. White Communists
couldn't act in this regard, because they weren't allowed to join the racially
exclusive ANC or take part in its deliberations. The task thus fell to black
ANC leaders who wore two hats - which is to say, were
members of both the ANC and the SACP. In some cases, this joint ANC-SACP
affiliation was open and well-known, at least to those in the underground. In
others, it was secret. The most important of these secret members was the charismatic
Nelson Mandela.
On the day the SACP took
its fateful decision, Mandela was a defendant in the Treason Trial, a marathon
affair that had been dragging on since l956. The rest of
In theory, the gap
between the white judges and the mostly black accused was unbridgeable, but
these men had been staring at one another across the courtroom for years,
sparring, joking, taking each other's measure and acquiring a measure of mutual
respect.
All the accused were out
on bail, but when they were re-detained during the post-Sharpeville State of
Emergency, Judge Bekker's wife came to their aid,
running errands on their behalf and carrying messages to their families. Judge
Kennedy was so impressed by the pro-ANC testimony of Professor ZK Matthews that
he came down from the bench and shook Matthews' hand, saying, "I hope we
meet again under better circumstances." Judge Rumpff
was a grumpy old Afrikaner and a reputed Broederbonder,
but even he seemed to be softening.
On March 23, l961, Rumpff took the unprecedented step of interrupting the
defence's closing argument, saying, in effect, we don't really need to hear
this. Some of the accused took this to mean that the judges had decided to
disregard the evidence and hang them - the predictable totalitarian outcome.
They were wrong. A week later, Rumpff asked the
accused to rise, and pronounced every one of them innocent.
This was a dumbfounding
outcome, given the enormous resources the apartheid state had devoted to the
treason case. Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd was in
the habit of telling the world that most blacks supported the principle of
separate development, and that only a handful of misguided troublemakers
opposed it. Rumpff's judgement annihilated that
argument. In rejecting the state's case, he had in effect ruled that the ANC's
cause was just, its grievances legitimate, and its strategy of non-violent
defiance acceptable in the eyes of reasonable men.
This outcome hugely
strengthened the hand of ANC president Albert Luthuli, a devout Christian who
continued to believe that peaceful change was possible in
South Africa also had a
relatively free press, a vigorous democracy (albeit for whites only) and, as
Mandela acknowledges in Long Walk To Freedom, a police force that still
conformed to British norms, with due process respected and torture at this
stage unheard-of. Some observers saw Rumpff's verdict
as a watershed of sorts, a development that could easily have led to further
liberalization.
Nelson Mandela was
totally disinterested. In Long Walk To Freedom,
he writes that he went underground within hours of Rumpff's
verdict. Officially, his mission was to organize popular support for a national
convention, but Ellis thinks this unlikely. "A close analysis of the
campaign for a national convention concludes that this initiative was primarily
intended to provide proponents of armed struggle with a paper trail that would
justify their forthcoming change of policy," he writes.
In other words, the SACP
was angling to regain the moral high ground. It knew that the verdict had come
as a surprise to international observers, who were left wondering if Verwoerd's
regime was indeed as evil as it was held to be. But the SACP also knew that
Verwoerd could be relied on to reject any call for a national convention, thus
restoring his reputation as an intransigent racist. As Ellis notes, this would
allow the party to present the coming declaration of war "in the best
possible light for public and international consumption."
The second leg of
Mandela's underground mission was of course to convince ANC president Albert
Luthuli to follow the lead the Communists had taken. Luthuli was not a pacifist
per se, but he believed that non-violent options remained viable. Like
many others in the ANC and even the SACP, he also believed it would be folly of
the highest order to take up arms at a point when the ANC was still struggling
to organize effective protests.
Luthuli and Mandela had
it out in June l961, at a tumultuous meeting of the ANC's national executive in
Tongaat,
This is Mandela's
version - or more accurately, one of his versions. In Long Walk, he
acknowledges that the outcome of his clash with Luthuli was actually very
messy. "The policy of the ANC would still be that of non-violence,"
he writes, and the new military organization was required to be "entirely
separate from the ANC." Luthuli himself remained committed to non-violence
until his death six years later.
Arenstein was subsequently purged
from the party. Mandela returned to
The first MK bombs went
off on December 16, 1961. The rest is history.
- article by Rian,
Poster distributed by the Federation of
Conservative Students (the official Conservative Party student
organisation) in Britain during the early 1980's, clearly illustrating that
people overseas were more aware of the evil nature of Mandela and his fellow
ANC terrorists than most people in South Africa were.
South Africa's "Truth
and Reconciliation Commission" - ostensibly set up to cleanse that
nation's psyche of its tortured past - is finding that the Marxist revolution
fought there between 1948 and 1994 witnessed a departure from the normal rules
of war by both the communist African
National Congress and the Christian, pro-West NP government.
The TRC's
official goal is to investigate crimes committed by both the Marxist ANC and
the right-wing government during the “apartheid era”. Crimes committed by other
groups, including the Inkatha Freedom Party, are also being
investigated. If those charged with crimes promise to tell all they know to the
commission, they can be granted amnesty. Under ongoing hearings before the
“Truth and Reconciliation Commission”, the sordid and often macabre blood sport
that characterized this war has been leaking out in dribs and drabs to a global
audience. Most of those appearing before the TRC can apply for amnesty and
escape prosecution if they admit their guilt. Many have chosen this route and
testified against either the Afrikaner leadership or the ANC. Others, like Winnie Mandela (ex-wife of Nelson Mandela) and former South
African President P.W. Botha, have maintained their innocence to the very end.
The ANC at first denounced a parliamentary bill granting amnesty for those who
request it from the “Truth and Reconciliation Commission”. The feeling among
the ANC was that it would provide a blanket amnesty for the torture and
killings conducted by the right. However, as more and more of the ANC's
misdeeds are exposed, some have concluded that the Marxist organization is also
in need of blanket amnesty.
The misdeeds of the Soviet-sponsored ANC have been well chronicled. It operated
under and parallel to the South African
Communist Party, established in the early 1920s as the first Communist
Party outside the
The crimes committed by the ANC in the name of liberation are legion. First,
there was the practice of "necklacing," in
which a petrol-filled tyre is placed around the neck of a victim and set ablaze
- an action carried out by Winnie Mandela and her
minions. Another horror was the "Church Street Massacre," in which
Nelson Mandela approved of a bomb set to explode at rush hour to maximize
casualties of Afrikaner women, children and babies. The same Mandela who told
the Black youth of
Through the work of the
“Truth and Reconciliation Commission”, the gulags of northern
against the White-led government. Mandela did, however, admit that torture
occurred at ANC prisons and camps, but the report now documents that this
abuse was widespread and far-reaching. Torture and murder occurred not only in
This report was a major embarrassment to the ANC, which had been lionized in
the West for its war to end apartheid and install a supposedly democratic government
in
The report reads in part:: "The worst conditions
were at the Quatro camp in
Ironically, the ANC accused the White-led South African police of conducting
torture of Black cadres in a similar manner. The report continues: "We
were left with an overall impression that for the better part of the '80s,
there existed a situation of extraordinary abuse of
power and lack of accountability at the prisons. Order in the exile camps began
to break down after the 1976 Black student uprising in
guerrilla training centres. Many of the new recruits were poorly educated,
impatient to fight, given to drinking and drugs. Some were secret agents sent
by the South African police. Thus the ANC gave its security department, called
"Mbokodo" [the Xhosa word for
"grinding stone"] unchecked power to investigate, judge and punish
recruits."
The panel that compiled the report also learned the names of accused torturers,
some of whom still hold posts in the ANC's security apparatus. The actual names
were withheld from the published report, but are known to the ANC hierarchy. Two
ANC leaders were directly named, however: Joe Modise,
the former head of the ANC's military wing, and Jacob Zuma,
the former ANC secretary general. Neither was accused of torture, however, Modise was cited as being part of a tribunal that in 1981
improperly arrested Dumisani Khosa,
a producer for the ANC's underground radio station. Khosa
was arrested for "complaining about nepotism and sexual harassment"
within the ANC. The report states that Khosa was
"beaten until he urinated blood, then shipped to
the Quatro camp in
- WorldNetDaily report, 2000
The evidence in the Rivonia trial was shocking. The prosecutor, Dr. Percy Yutar, wrote the following in the prologue of the book Rivonia, The Mask Off by Laurutz
Strydom. He said the aim of Rivonia
was to create utter chaos in the
- Reality SA,
Nelson
Mandela, South Africa's first Black president, who is widely admired across the
political spectrum more for his performance in office than for his beliefs, is
now retired and thus free to express his long standing Marxist and often
bizarre beliefs freely. He continually attacks
There were good reasons for
such fears, not the least being the decades old cohabitation of Mandela's
African National Congress (ANC) with, and its penetration by, the Communist
Party of South Africa (SACP), one of the world's most committed Stalinist
parties. There were also the ANC's close links with the militantly leftist (and
SACP dominated) trade union federation, COSATU. Importantly, despite the
rhetoric about Black economic oppression under apartheid, the fact remains that
a Black middle and indeed upper class had developed in
Mandela implemented an
aggressive affirmative action policy once he took office - which slowed down
the economy. His government established a criminal law code on the European
model - abolition of the death penalty, excessive rights for accused criminals,
etc., with destructive results.
The high crime rates, and a
decline in educational standards, led to a massive emigration of White
professionals to the
When it comes to African
opinions at the UN,
President Mbeki has a
problem with his own ANC party, specifically with Nelson Mandela's former wife,
Winnie. Mrs. Mandela is the loose cannon of the ANC.
A convicted torturer and felon and thoroughly corrupt, she remains a very
popular figure with Black South African youths and was repeatedly elected to
the ANC leadership. The disturbing thing here is not so much Winnie's criminality, awful as it is, as the general
decline of
- Michael Radu, Front Page
Magazine,
The Rivonia high treason trial, in which Mandela was one of the
accused, is in the news again. According to reports Dr Percy Yutar, who was the prosecutor in the case, is going to sell
his documents and books in a public auction. Foreign universities are allegedly
very interested. The first reaction is alarm that these very valuable and
unique Africana could become lost to South Africans. However, after a little
reflection one has to admit that the documents will probably be safer in the
library of some foreign university than in
- Report sent by the Boernews news
service.
1)
Concerning Mandela's jail sentence. The crimes he committed were shamelessly
criminal, and included no heroic acts. In fact, it is still a mystery why Percy
Yutar (the then state attorney) did not file for
murder, but manslaughter instead. Based on the facts it is commonly agreed by
legal scholars that Mandela would have been hanged if Yutar
filed for murder. You can easily get access to the case and you will find facts
that the media, for whatever reason, prefer to ignore. 2) They often show
Mandela's cell on
- Report sent by South
African historical expert living in the
The ANC is
part of an alliance with the SA Communist Party and the Black super-union
COSATU, of which the Communists are the numerical minority, but the most
influential and dominant partner. Most key positions in the ANC are occupied by
SACP and ex-SACP members. Before 1990 the ANC/Communist alliance was a
terrorist organisation, which waged a relatively unsuccessful, but nasty and
cowardly "war", mostly against civilians and against what was
supposed to be "their" people, the Blacks, through the barbaric
"necklacing" (torching a helpless victim
with a burning tyre around his neck to death), bombs and assassinations. From
1990 to 1994 the last White president of SA, F.W. de Klerk, railroaded the
traditional power structure of the country into accepting a staged
"democratic election" in 1994, which was manipulated to bring the
ANC/Communist alliance to power. By lying and cheating he kept many Whites in
the dark about his real intentions. Since 1994 the ANC/Communist regime is
dutifully busy destroying everything good and strong in the country in the name
of "affirmative action" and "Black empowerment", while step
by step suppressing the freedom of the people and nations under its heel.
"Nelson R. Mandela", a Xhosa from the Transkei, got involved as a
young lawyer with a bunch of White would-be terrorists with large caches of
explosives and weapons in Johannesburg, who were found out and tried in a court
of law (the old SA courts were still independent). Left to face the music by
the White instigators, who had mostly run away overseas, Mandela got a life
sentence for his involvement in terrorism, being part of the planning of
attacks on installations and non-military targets and the beginning of the
terrorist war mentioned above. He sat in prison for 27 years, treated as a
political prisoner, regularly visited by all sorts of monitors and others, in
clean, efficient prisons of the old SA (not like the new SA's
hell-holes). In the early nineties de Klerk let him out to become the
"nice" figurehead of the "new SA". This is just a nutshell.
Quite tragic really what is happening in SA. But in the end the Whites have
only themselves to blame for the gutless way they allowed the treacherous
handover to happen - and the even more disgusting way many of them are now
helping keep the regime in power by fawning and toadying up to the new rulers.
- Report sent by Southern Cross Africa.